June 30, 2001

July 5

The Fight Back Begins

KCTU declares a general strike

to Counter the Anti-Union Repression

to End the Neoliberal Structural Adjustment Regime

of the Kim Dae Jung Government

and

to Achieve the 6 Point Demand

Korean Confederation of Trade Unions will organise a general strike on July 5. On June 22, following weeks of rampant attack on workers and the trade union movement by the government of President Kim Dae Jung, the emergency session of the KCTU Central Committee unanimously adopted the plan for a general strike. All affiliated federations and member unions will be called on to stop work for one day on July 5.

The decision is based on the analysis that the recent wave of anti-union campaign of the government -- involving indiscriminate arrest of striking unionists, threats against the KCTU leadership, and massive ideological offensive against trade union movement -- is aimed at immobilising and destroying the KCTU, which has been the staunchest opponent to its neoliberal philosophy and policies.

The Tidal Wave of Repression

The decision to launch a fight back "general strike" is informed by the need to arrest the "unprecedented" ferocity of the government's repression and attack on the KCTU and trade union movement, and at the same to secure a "beach-head" in the struggle to achieve its general agenda. The intensity of the government attack against workers and the KCTU is reflected in the "arrest" statistics. In June, a total of 47 workers were "arrested" and detained (placed in remand) by police (up to June 25). This brings the total number of unionists put to prison in 2001 to 137. (Some of the arrested have been released through various avenues -- bond, withdrawal charge, dismissal of charge, or suspended sentence. Thus, the figures of unionists in jail may vary as some arrested workers are released and others are arrested and imprisoned.)

The repression of trade union activities is marked by added ferocity as the government has set loose the police hounds against the top KCTU leaders. The government made no secret of its intentions when, in the early morning of June 15, bus loads of the riot police surrounded the building where the KCTU office to carry out an arrest and search raid on the office to apprehend KCTU president Dan Byung-ho. He was released from prison in August 1999 as a part of the "Liberation Day" amnesty. He was released with just over two months of his prison sentence left to serve. He was released on "parole" (suspension of execution of sentence). It became known with the attempted raid on the KCTU office that the authorities have decided to "recall" (cancel the suspension of the execution of sentence) president Dan (after he has been "released" for nearly two years). At the same time, the police has issued a warrant of arrest against KCTU General Secretary Lee Hong-woo.

The police "wanted" leaflets (see right) have been distributed to all police stations, various public facilities, such as, hotels, restaurants, railway stations, and bus terminals. The leaflet describes president Dan as a man of around 180 centimetres in height, scraggy, and elongated face and usually in work jackets. It declares that his "parole" was cancelled as of June 14, 2001 and thus listed on June 16 as wanted for re-imprisonment. The colour leaflet offers 5 million won (4,000 US dollars) reward to any one reporting president Dan's whereabouts and special promotion for any police personnel who apprehends him. It is reported that more than 500 police personnel, including those drawn from homicide squads and drug squads from various police stations have been specially set loose to hunt down president Dan. (This has resulted in another kind of harassment: those people who had visited president Dan during the four times he was imprisoned since 1987 had to suffer rude telephone calls and police visits.)

President Dan, General Secretary Lee are just two of more than 50 other unionists who have become targets of police hunt since the beginning of June. Others include Mr. Yang Kyung-kyu, the president of the KPSU, one of the largest KCTU affiliates and three hospital chapter leaders of the Korea Medical and Health Industry Workers Union (Ms Choi Seon-im, Ms. Choi Kwon-jong, and Ms. Lee Bong-nyeun). Mr. Shin Hyun-hoon, the KCTU Executive Director for Solidarity Outreach Office, whose responsibility includes liaison with police and government offices, is also one of the many unionists wanted for arrest.

The June 12 Coordinated Strikes

The decision to launch a second wave campaign on July 5 follows the concerted "coordinated strike campaign" that began on June 12. The KCTU began a series of activities with the June 12 coordinate strike as the culminating point of the campaign. The campaign was aimed at advancing and achieving the programme of 6 point demands which summaries the demands and agenda of the trade union movement and labour for 2001.

Six Point KCTU Demand

End neoliberal structural adjustment drive and retrenchment;
12.7% wage increase and renewal of collective agreements;
Employment status change for "irregular" workers to "regular" employees, legislative reform to eradicate discrimination against irregular workers, and consolidation of basic labour rights (trade union rights for government employees (civil servants, university professors, etc.);
Reduction in working time (5-day work week);
Expansion of public medical system, expansion of public education system, reform of the media, and tax reform;
Abolition of the National Security Law, realisation of national independence (no to Bush's MD programme)

On the first day of the Strike 2001, unions in 126 enterprises, with a total membership of 50,228 workers, went out on strike.

While some unions, such as, the Hyosung Workers Union and the ready-mix cement delivery vehicle drivers union, which had been on strike since April 10, 2001, were already on strike, most of the unions, including the Korean Airline Flight Crew Union, struck as a part of the KCTU coordinated Strike 2001.

11 member unions of the Korean Federation of Chemical Textile Workers Unions (KFCW) -- from Hyosung, Kolon, Taekwang, and Yeocheun synthetic fibre and textile plants -- joined the KCTU-wide campaign. The Korean Federation of Transportation, Public & Social Services Workers Unions (KPSU) brought 18 member enterprise unions, including, the Korean Airline Flight Crew Union, Asiana Airline Workers Union, Social Insurance Workers Union, and Korea Power Engineering Workers Union. The newly formed Korean Metal Workers Union (a national industrial union in the metal industry sector) proved to be the backbone of the Korean Metal Workers Federation (KMWF) with 84 plants on strike. The Korean Federation of Construction Industry Trade Unions joined the coordinated campaign through 2 member unions, including the Korean Construction Transportation Workers Union (cement mixer vehicle drivers).

On the second day, the strike numbers were brought down as most of metal industry workers suspended the strike to resume collective agreement or wage negotiations at their enterprises. However, more than 8,000 workers in 9 hospitals joined the strike anew. A total of just over 40,000 workers in 69 enterprises/local unions were on strike on the second day of the KCTU-coordinated strike. On both days, a significant number of unions held "stop work" meetings of all members or limited strike by shopfloor union delegates as a part of the coordinated campaign, without being counted in the overall strike statistics.

While the mass media reports described the "shrinkage" in the size of the strike as "fizzling out", most of the "return to work" resulted from settlement of collective bargaining process (conclusion of a new agreement) or "resumption" of negotiations at the enterprises.

Currently (June 26), the unions in the chemical-textile sector and hospitals are continuing their strikes.

The "coordinated" strike is peculiar to Korea, arising from the dominance of enterprise unionism. It involves organising the schedule of activities of enterprise unions which are engaged in collective bargaining process to coordinate the timing of the different stages of their bargaining/dispute activities. Each enterprise union, which is involved in collective bargaining for new (wage) agreement, is -- on the basis of the decision at the KCTU or the federations -- advised to undertake the legal industrial dispute procedures, including "strike ballot" and mandatory "adjustment" by Labour Relations Commission, within a given period. This sets the stage for "simultaneous" launch of strikes. While each enterprise-level union has its own set of demands and agenda for collective bargaining, the KCTU and/or federation provides the common agenda. The KCTU-wide common agenda and demands focus on broader policy-level issues which concern the rights and interests of workers. The KCTU declares the coordinated strike through press conference and/or mass rallies. This is the organisational mechanism involved in most of the "general strikes", "coordinated strikes" or "concerted campaign" organised and launched by the KCTU. In fact, a "general strike" launched on the basis of purely movement-wide agenda without enterprise union-level compliance with industrial dispute procedure -- or without enterprise union-level collective bargaining agenda and process -- is a rare phenomenon in Korea.

The Brutal Attack -- President Kim Dae Jung Leaves A Trail of Blood

The recent crackdown on trade union movement is reminiscent of the days of military dictatorships which were bent on oppressing and repressing the labour.

In the past, the labour and the trade union movement were attacked and targeted for iron-fist control for basically two broad purposes: to prevent the labour obtaining and consolidating a power to influence national policies and social and political relations; and to restrain the influence of trade union movement in developing influence on industrial, production, employment relations at the world of work. In other words, to keep the labour docile. This was undertaken in the name of keeping the labour cost down for the competitiveness of export-oriented economy.

Recently, in various sites of industrial dispute, hired thugs wielding butcher knives, gas guns, electric batons, and home-made tear gas have been brought in. When violence erupted due to the deployment of thugs by employers, the police have stood by to let the scene develop. The violence -- the ensuing "violent clashes" between the hired thugs and workers -- (or, more accurately, the strength or commitment of workers' organised resistance) is then used as pretext for deploying riot police to break up the strikes. The typical example is the Hyosung.

HYOSUNG (Ulsan; synthetic fibre/textile manufacture)  On May 25, 2001, Hyosung Workers Union struck against the management. The union had planned to conduct a strike ballot from May 15 to 22, in response to the management's brazen hostility and intransigence in the collective bargaining process.

The management brought in hired thugs to obstruct union members participating in the ballot. It erected barricade at the gates to the plant, "advising" workers reporting to work in the morning not to vote. It locked up doors of plants during lunch time and brought food into the production site to prevent union members from going to the ballot booths located in the canteen and the union office. The management put up steel bars on windows of plants, to prevent union members "escaping" to vote. It conducted individual interviews to "persuade" not to vote. The management forced workers to group at the barricaded gate of the plant to "march" together to the work areas to prevent workers stopping by at ballot booth. This was repeated at the end of the day -- workers were gathered into units and forced to march out to the gate without dropping by the union office.

On June 23, following the expiration of voting period, the management declared that the union's strike ballot ended in failure. It posted up a special notice of thanks to workers for rejecting union's plans to launch a strike. The management promised to award 500,000 won to all union members for their rejection of the union.

The "dispute" at Hyosung began well before the formal collective bargaining process began. In February, the management unilaterally -- withoug any prior notice -- announced the adoption of a two-shift system abandoning the existing three-shift system. At the same time, the management unilaterally reassigned 9 workers to another unit without any consultation with either the union or the workers involved. Later, it posted a notice announcing downsizing of a unit by 17 workers. The union responded by rejecting the change in the shift system and reassignment and conducted various protest activities.

Midst the rising tension on the shopfloor, in late March the union finalised its list of demands for collective bargaining with the management. As the union began to conduct education sessions for its members to explain the bargaining demands, the management unilaterally pulled line captains out of work for "education and training", taking them to extended "survival game" retreats. The union protested that these management initiated activities was in contravention of laws which require labour-management consultation for the conduct of company education. Union carried out various activities, such as 'work to rule' campaign, to build up the collective bargaining process.

The management retaliated by taking disciplinary action against union members. This resulted in the dismissal of 7 union members and 2 months suspension for 5, and probation against 4 others. The management also filed legal complaint for "obstruction of business" against 17 union members, including the union president. It applied for -- and obtained -- court orders to freeze union bank accounts, strike fund, and voluntary solidarity fund, and bank accounts of 6 individual leaders of the union.

The collective bargaining did not proceed at all while the management stepped up its attack against the union. In April, the management failed to report to all seven bargaining sessions the union had proposed. The situation took a direction for worse in May. On May 6, the police, having been presented with the management's accusation, arrested three leaders of the union, including its president, Mr. Park Hyun-jung. They were later formally charged and ordered to remain in remand until trial.

Four days later, on May 10, the management enflamed workers' anger by presenting gift certificates to all union members to congratulate the union's anniversary of establishment. The gift vouchers handed over to the union amounted to more than 10 million won.

When the union finally struck on May 25, the management opted for more direct assault on the union. Hired thugs besieged union leaders spraying fire extinguishers, wielding iron pipes, and throwing stones. The early strike cordon was pushed back to the union office, where the thugs began to smash everything in sight. However, the union members regrouped to force back the armed thugs. Having failed to incapacitate the union and prevent the gathering of striking workers, the management conceded to holding dialogue for collective bargaining process. On May 28, newly enlarged contingent of more than 200 hired thugs stormed the striking workers. The union members withstood the onslaught, at last succeeding in repelling them. In the process, the union "confiscated" the weapons: home-bomb, home-made guns, tear gas, gas guns, and butcher knives, and electric batons.

Hankyereh, a major daily newspaper, in its June 15 edition, carried an interview with a staff of private security firm which, together with 9 other similar outfits, were hired by the Hyosung management. In the interview, the anonymous staff explained that the 10 security firms were asked to mobilise some 700 guards. He admitted that the firms had brought in some people who were members of organised crime rings and "homeless vagrants" found in public places like railway stations. According to him, 700 private guards brought in by the firms included some 200 members of crime rings and 100 vagrants. He admitted that the private security firms usually maintained contacts with crime rings to deploy them in their jobs. Vagrants were collected by outfits which specialise in "eviction" in housing development projects. They were brought to Ulsan with promise of daily pay of 40,000 to 50,000 won. He also mentioned that some of the staff of other firms were once members of special military units and brought with them some 50 home-made bombs. Others brought rubber-bullet guns, while still others used pellet-firing "guns" made with ball-point pens.

The negotiations resumed on May 30, only to be declared abandoned by the management on June 2. The management behaviour was emboldened by the statement, on May 29, calling for the enforcement of law and order by use of police by major employer organisations, such as, the Korean Federation of Industries.

The strike continued without any further dialogue between the union and management, but with constant provocation by and violent clashes with the hired thugs.

On June 5, "at last" riot police stormed the striking workers. Around 5 a.m., 3,000 strong riot police stormed the factory ground where striking unionists were camping out. Most of the workers were able to flee from the charging riot police (which were headed by two large fork crane). But, some 250 of them were isolated together with the union leaders. The initial raid led to the arrest of around 80 unionists, who were taken to police stations in police buses. Those who succeeded in escaping the riot police siege gathered in nearby streets to hold protest rally. They were soon joined by workers of the Hyundai Motors who were heading home after the night shift. The ranks of protesting workers soon enlarged to 2,500. While the isolated members left behind at the plant successfully held off the riot police, the union leaders divided into two groups to "occupy" two strategic positions in the plant to maintain the focal points of workers' struggle. One group of 8 leaders climbed to the top of 40 metre high chimney while the second group of 6 occupied the electricity transformer facility.

The police deployed crack troops to remove the two groups of leaders. Police flew in helicopters to dislodge the 8 leaders who secured their positions atop the smokestack. While the group of 6 who tried to occupy the electricity transformer facility were dragged out by riot police, the other resisted by threatening to jump if riot police tried to storm them. At the end of the day, more than 250 unionists were taken away by police. At the end of the two day mandatory questioning period, all but 8 were released. Police obtained warrant of arrest against the 8. Once the riot police "cleared" the plant ground of striking workers, they cordoned off the plant to prevent workers from gathering again.

The isolated leaders remaining atop the chimney were finally seized by police on June 11. Police used two helicopters to spray tear gas and maintain siege situation. The resisting unionists were apprehended by special crack troop of the riot police who climbed up the smoke stack.

A total of 19 unionists are currently arrested (and held in remand) while 6 others are wanted for arrest. Since the riot police stormed the strike, unionists are unable to "return" to work as riot police are deployed at the plant and the vicinity, preventing their entry. The company is operating the plant with the use of "scabs".

Ready-Mix Concrete Delivery Truck Drivers  On June 19, 2001, drivers of ready-mix concrete delivery trucks became another victim of the "intolerance" and intrinsically anti-union philosophy of the Kim Dae Jung government. Their 72 day old strike was met with brutal police violence -- for traffic violation. Some 350 workers taking part in an out-door sit-in protest were swooped on by more than 2,000 strong riot police. Police used hammers and axes to break windows of cars which had been parked around the sit-in site. Police filled the roads with commuter cars and held them on the road as "barricade" to prevent the protesting workers driving away. Riot police suppressed the resisting workers and dragged a total of 301 workers to various police stations in Seoul. Once the site was cleared of workers, police brought in tow trucks to remove the vehicles used in the sit-in. After two days of mandatory detention for questioning, 2 unionists, including Jang Moon-kee, the president of the union, were charged and ordered to held in remand/police custody until trial.

The workers had been on strike since April 9 demanding union recognition, Sunday rest day, overtime rates of pay, enterprise agreement in place of individual contracts, and increase in delivery rate.

Employers, organised into Korean Federation of Ready-Mix Concrete Industry Cooperatives, led by one Ryu Jae-pil, the owner of Yujin Ready-Mix Concrete Co., refused to recognise the union. Having lost the case at the court of first instance, the employers are insisting with a legal action to deny union recognition vowing to take the case all the way to the Supreme Court, the highest court in the land (which may take more than two years).

Apart from the legal avenue, the employers have resorted all other means to deny and destroy the union. They have hired thugs to break the strike (resulting in 22 workers being hospitalised) and dismissed some 500 workers. They have taken legal action against individual unionists (resulting in charges laid against over 70 workers -- to face trial without being held in remand/police custody).

Despite the employer group's continued refusal to recognise the union and engage in collective bargaining -- blatant "unfair labour practice" -- the authorities have refused to take any action against the employers, while throes of workers were being injured and arrested and charged by police at the request of the employers.

On May 24, the union decided to begin a protest action to highlight the injustice. The new action undertaken on the 46th day of the strike involved parking their trucks and camping out near the National Assembly building (on a side road of a major park). As the sit-in went on, the number of vehicles along the long boulevard skirting the Yoido Park (in front of the National Assembly building) increased to 350, including 70 concrete-mixer trucks.

The legal grounds for the attack on the striking workers by the riot police was violation of the Law on Assembly and Demonstration. Charges against the workers also include violation of traffic rules. The fact that the workers were engaged in a "demonstration" (the sit-in was, here, being regarded as a demonstration) without a permit, and that it lasted into nights (which is not allowed in the law) was the key rationale for the police action. Another reason was that they had parked their cars in an areas where long-term parking is not allowed. Park-goers could park their cars temporarily, but, not for a long term -- in fact, 27 days. (The side road on which the workers' vehicles were parked was part of a wide boulevard but not used for moving traffic, as the strip was cordoned off as service area.) Another possible charge against the unionists arrested on this day, including the two leaders who were ordered to be held in remand, would be one of "assault" ("violence") that ensued in the course of workers' reaction/resistance to the police raid.

As yet, no legal or police action has been taken against the employers who refuse to recognise the union and engage in collective bargaining.

Why?

In most of the policy activities of the government, the labour has been the central stumbling block or force of resistance. Structural adjustment and privatisation programmes, which -- not just inevitably, but -- essentially involved cut backs in the size of workforce and labour, cost could not bypass the "reaction" of workers. Flexibility agenda in employment relations and labour market invariably came up against workers. Labour was treated as a key object which had to be reformed and a hostile obstacle to such 'neoliberal' reform [footnote*].

What has taken place over the last three years with President Kim Dae Jung at the helm of the government, whose central preoccupation has been economic crisis and economic "reform", has been 'retrenchment': getting rid of all that which seem superfluous or in the way of "reform". Excess labour, excess cost, excess regulation, excess rights, excess process, excess government, excess society. (A good example may be found in the reduction in the number of seats in the National Assembly -- 253 local district seats to 227 -- just prior to the parliamentary general elections in 2000.)

The effort to reduce the workforce invariably accompanied the effort to reduce the influence/power of labour:  they were the two sides of the same coin -- this is the central feature of neoliberal approach. It naturally forced the workers to respond. The issue, then, was how to respond to the workers' response. The recent figures of arrest of unionists and scenes of police action on workers' activities demonstrate clearly how Kim Dae Jung regime responded.

For a government which places 'neoliberal' agenda as its highest and central concern, the continuing and growing resistance of labour -- especially at a time when the extraordinary "crisis consensus or seizure that formed the basis for mandate and legitimacy was waning -- could only be felt as a "thorn". In the context of the growing society-wide awareness of the grave negative (disruptive and anti-integration) consequences of the crisis-driven "reform" measures -- such as the rampant increase in "irregular" employment, which now make up nearly 60% of the total employment -- the capacity of organised labour to constantly mount resistance may be perceived as a dangerous detonator, even if it in itself may not amount to much. The consideration for the upcoming presidential election in December 2002 -- and the concomitant reality of "lameduck" phenomenon for the government -- is also beginning to emerge as an important factor. The attack on the labour may have two purposes: on the one hand, incapacitating the organised labour, and on the other hand, instilling a disciplining effect aimed at regrouping the 'establishment' which may be wavering.

The Unstoppable Struggle -- Repression Will Only Spur the KCTU to Greater Struggle

The July 5 general strike will be led mainly by the large enterprise unions of the Korean Metal Workers Federation. KMWF president Mun Sung-hyun informed the June 22 emergency session of the KCTU Central Committee that major shipyard unions and those at car makers, such as, the Kia Motors and Hyundai Motors, would be prepared to provide the bulk of the momentum for the general strike.

The Central Committee decided that the July 5 general strike would be different from the June 12 "coordinated strike" in calling all KCTU member unions to stop work for one day. The stop work will be followed by demonstration rallies in the major cities across the country. (Those unions which are in the process of collective bargaining may continue their strikes after July 5.) It also decided to convene a special session of the National Congress on July 13 to decide on a national rally of 100,000 workers in July. The decision on series of actions are aimed at stepping up the momentum of labour action aimed at putting an end to the wave of repression and forcing the Kim Dae Jung government to abandon its neoliberal regime. While the second wave strike will continue to advance the 6 point demands the KCTU has adopted for 2001, it will focus on the following three streamlined demands:

End the repression of trade union movement, including the hunt against KCTU president;
End the retrenchment-based structural adjustment drive; adopt legislative reforms to enhance people's livelihood and rights;
The resignation of the Kim Dae Jung regime responsible for destruction of people's lives, misdirected reform, and environmental degradation.

KCTU Calls for Dialogue

While the KCTU is stepping up the preparation a general strike on July 5, on June 26, it has called for a "summit meeting" between the President Kim Dae Jung and KCTU president Dan Byung-ho. The proposal aims to establish a basis for dialogue between the trade union movement and the government to end the catastrophic confrontation. With the proposal, the KCTU calls on the government to begin consultation to address the issues and demands (the 6 point demand) the KCTU has put forward.

For the government, if it is willing to begin a process of consultation and consensus process, it would need to revoke the current orders of arrest issued out against the key KCTU leadership, including president Dan. The start of the dialogue can end the escalation of confrontation that results for continuing arrests and attacks on trade union movement and actions to resist the repression.

The proposal suggests issues, such as, the orientation of the structural adjustment programme, 5 day working week, various legislative amendments which concern the interest and rights of people (currently "pending" in the National Assembly on the basis of civil petition), end to government and police intervention in collective bargaining process could be the topics for initial discussion between the government and the KCTU.

* The overall policy orientation of President Kim Dae Jung's government is described and characterised as "neoliberal". The main features of his economic policy have been "foreign capital attraction", "privatisation", and "flexibilisation". These objectives are all designed to favour the capital (investors, employers, business) rather than the labour. The consideration for the needs and preference of business is prioritised -- that of workers and society come (if at all) poor second. (The interest of government techno-bureaucrats in maintaining their control, monopoly, and prestige in policy making process and socially conditioned material interest may stand a close rival to the interest of pre-eminently conservative (or rightist) politicians and their parties for the second place in the regime's priorities.) [return]